The power of Colombia’s president depends on his ability to manage the sometimes opposing interests of those who really control the country, like business associations.

While formally a democracy, all presidents of the 21st century have had no choice but to balance serving the public interest with private and even criminal interests.

This unstable balance of power is partly due to the country’s political history and culture, and partly a consequence of the country’s armed conflict.

The origin

The root of the problem is Colombia’s historically weak state, which has never allowed it to stand alone without support.

This problem is as old as the Republic itself. Almost immediately after Colombia declared itself independent from Spain in 1810, the country divided between centralists and federalists.

The violence that followed between those who wanted a united Colombia and those who wanted a loose federation of independent states may best be compared with the American Civil War.

It wasn’t until 1819 that the different regions agreed to becoming one Republic, but led to multiple secessions and rebellions throughout Colombia’s history.

Until 1902, eight more wars broke out, often in resistance to Bogota’s intent to impose state authority in strongly anti-centralist regions or secular rule.

This constant violence kept Bogota weak, contrary to rural economic forces and cartels that found inspiration in the economic models proposed by Fascism and National Socialism in the first half of the 20th century.

Colombian Agriculture Society (SAC)

National Coffee federation (Fedecafe)

National Banking Association (Asobancaria)

National Association of Industrialists (ANDI)

National Commerce Federation (Fenalco)

Colombian Ranchers’ Federations (Fedegan)

The current situation

Most of the business associations that were founded in the first half of the century continue to dominate the government’s economic policy in a way that is either alien or illegal in other countries.

Global economic changes have particularly strengthened and enriched the members of the banking association, which is almost entirely controlled by three corporations, Grupo Aval, Bancolombia and GNB Sudameris, who have dissuaded the entrance of foreign banks in Colombia.

Grupo Aval of business mogul Luis Carlos Sarmiento has bankrolled presidential campaigns perhaps since the 1980’s, which has given the corporation almost limitless access to the government of President Ivan Duque.

Sarmiento’s 2012 acquisition of Colombia’s leading daily, El Tiempo, has additionally given the corporation major influence over public opinion.

Some of the associations’ involvement in crimes against humanity that were committed during the armed conflict makes them formidable opponents of the peace process as prominent businessmen would end up in prison.

This is particularly the case with Fedegan, whose boss Jose Felix Lafaurie has used his ties to Duque’s political patron, former President Alvaro Uribe, for legal protection.

Business associations ANDI and Fenalco have most influence over the president’s economic policy.