
In blocking Alvaro Uribe’s second re-election referendum, the Constitutional Court showed the strength of Colombia’s democratic institutions, but democracy in the country is weaker than it seems.

In blocking Alvaro Uribe’s second re-election referendum, the Constitutional Court showed the strength of Colombia’s democratic institutions, but democracy in the country is weaker than it seems.

As the congressional elections draw near, it is already clear that they will be riddled with fraud and corruption. The next generation of Colombian leaders will likely include more than a handful of crooks and criminals.

The local media’s coverage of a recent World Bank report on doing business in Colombia was misleading. On the whole, doing business in most Colombian cities is remarkably easy and the country is a global leader in implementing business-friendly reforms.

Just months before the presidential election, President Uribe is facing political pressure from the judiciary, from the universities, from abroad and, for the first time in recent memory, from the Colombian people.

This week’s Human Rights Watch report on Colombia's neo-paramilitary violence revealed the weaknesses of the government's AUC demobilization program. Unfortunately, those in power remain in denial about their mistakes.

Urban crime rates in Colombia are soaring, but the government’s reaction so far is short on real solutions. Defense Minister Silva’s apparent denial of the crime wave and President Uribe’s proposed student informant program suggest a serious lack of vision on the part of the country’s leadership.

Extrajudicial assassinations by government forces, or "false positives," once again call into question the integrity of the Colombian military and its human rights record. So why has the pursuit of justice been so lengthy and difficult?
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